50tk year of Publicat'm MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Bloomingdale, or Mount Mill, Queen Anne's County MARYLAND HISTORICAL SOCIETY BALTIMORE September • 1955 Is Your Will Too Old? Is your old will out of date because of a birth, death, mar- riage, divorce, adoption — ^because your financial situation has changed — because your will exposes your estate to needless taxes — because the executor and trustee is no longer able to settle and manage your estate? If so, your lawyer should draw a new will. Ask one of our Trust Officers about the safeguards we will provide for your estate and the help we will give your family under a will naming this Bank executor and trustee. THE FIRST NATIONAL BANK OF BALTIMORE (y]f,Pi Sc^ 5;r^ MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Vol. 50. No. 3 September, 1955 CONTENTS PAGE Samuel Knox, Maryland Educator . . Ashley Poster 173 Adam Cunningham's Atl&q^ Q:@I and conduct related investigathns James Graham Marston.mj. 516 CATHEDRAL STREET BALTIMORE 1, MD. PHOTO-ENGRAVING CO, EnjiaviBjsforthe Printer. Merchant aMaiuiiacturer " (Ball _ jwarxL'iS^aifelte Sis altimore J^ariffand GENEALOGICAi:. CHAltTS Denby Chart Blanfca— A btaaflc fonn for Bstiag anceshy Sizes and Y&sstn Chart 28" s 4*' 28" X AA" 28" X 44" 27" X 40' @ each SI.25 1.75 2.a» 3.75 4.25 Broadside "America" in Denby Type 25" X 34" $3.00 each BOOKS (I) ARCHITECTURE, (V) TYPE & CTNBALOGY, 1. WATERCOLORS Seprothitfims »f Wttercolon by Edwia H..I>eab7,4(nu durins tnvtls orer Europe, around the Me dtte rr n ean and Uie Hen Bast. A lis^^man nAiMteMMptor and •ame Mftoms, iritkI|»p|wj|r%£H^ iMnd, and aaraTate miiftm M It ifflav'wMi paper 2. LINCOINIANA AGKEAT BOOK. A STmpoalim of mimj'«ffe,Meia6ii«l pages. Eulogy on Wasbingtott by Lincoln, Gettysburg Ad> 'dress, Lincoln's FareffeU, America, Historic Meeting. ConbusK afao Fonnulas for Lettering aiid Type to produce the aMdw postac paAs. Sdiool Edition $2.75, Special S3.S0,DeLon$4.5a. 3. TYPE BOOKS Printing and Genealogy, Valtmfale Hint^&eed^ I^WIm Hons in Els, Schedules oi Spadng, Pra||ila»at|f MnW- tages of the El, details for slotting M type for iiettar Spadng through the £1. Price S10.00. 4. Tetl SONdS ^^E!OR HUGO, and great men, in many countries, fore- flae'%fe' future. They furnish text for many new SONGS BOW available in the "Solfamtzation" form with the melody line. Enquire for details and List of Songs, THE COQ D'OR PRESS, inc., 333 Fourth Ave., New York 10, N. Y. MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE A Quarterly Volume 50 SEPTEMBER, 1955 Number 3 SAMUEL KNOX, MARYLAND EDUCATOR By Ashley Foster SAMUEL KNOX (175^1832) was a pamphleteer, parson, and pedagogue who propagandized for a specific technique and shape of educative process for his own time/ Before his con- ttibution to Ws Amerka cm. be evakMfted, we mait, liriMy, accocd him his place in the larger scheme of things so that his specific recommendations achieve an historical meaning in a proper frame of rrference. At the conclusion of the Revolutionary War, when the hands of the American man returned to his plough, his mind turned to thoughts on ^ means to make xeal the abstractioos of the ©edara- tion of Independence — ^the abstractions for which the War had been fought. 'There is no life of Knox. See Dictionary of American Biography, X, 480-481; B. C. Steiner, History of Education in Maryland (Washington, 1894), pp. 43-49, 245-247; "Additional Information Upon Rev. Samuel Knox," Md. Hist. Mag., II (1907), 285-286; and Steiner, "More About Samoai Kuox," iiM. (1909), 276-279. See also this author's " An 1803 Proposal to Improve the American Teaching Profession," School and Society, 80 (Sept. 4, 1954), 69-73. 173 174 MARYLAND imtCmCM, MASAaiNE In general, wars are not at all conducive to the development of public schools, and the American Revolution was no exception. The d€cl»e of public Kfcoois hai *ealished). Vol. I, p. lA. *Ibid., p. 82. 178 MARYLAND HISTOWCAL MAGAZINE States. Knox, as a practical educator, was acutely aware of the fact that the legislative subsidy to colleges in Maryland would be wasted if the legislature were not to assure an adequate supply of college material by supporting the college " nurseries," /. e., the academies. This appeal proved to be quite effective: the sub- sidies were partially withdrawn from the colleges and the funds were used to subsidize several academies in Maryland including the one at Fredericktown. The prize-winning Essay on Education was unique in that its scope and subject matter had selctom before been handled so comprehensively in America. The essay was written in eleven sections divided as follows: 1. A definition of education. 2. The comparative merits of public education as against private edu- cation. 3. The importance of establiAing a national system of education. 4. The extent of a national system of education. 5. The advantages of the same uniform system of school books in a national system of education. 6. The establishment and conduct of the primary schools. 7. The establishment and conduct of the county academies. 8. Exercises of amusement during terms of relaxation. 9. The ^te Colleges. 10. A National University, 11. Conclusion. The idea, briefly, was a national system of education with a primary school in every town, afi academy in every county, a college in every state and a national university. First, education was defined as " the training up of the human mind by the aquisition of sciences calculated to extend its knowl- edge and promote its improvement." Without education, said Knox, men would " degenerate to a state of deplorable ignorance." Indeed, it was ... the design of a liberal course of education to call all the latent powers of the human mind, to give exertion to natural genius, to direct the powers of the taste and criticism, and refine and polish, as well as exercise, strengthen and direct the whole economy of the mental system.ii Essay on Education, p. 49- Ibii., pi 52. SAMUEL KNOX, MARYLAND EDUCATCSl 179 Then a comparison of p^lfc and private education dist^:tly emphasized the advantages of the public school. Human progress, Knox felt, went hand in hand with public education. " Through- out history nations have supported public education in proportion to their improvement in the arts of civilization and refinement." Other advantages of a system of public education were that the gfoup sfeatien "Wowld sr oe^ gtes^ -eSert t!K®u^h the stimulation of competitive desires; the communal association of all classes of society would prevent a man from becoming con- ceited; and public education could also correct the situation where- in the " poor and such as most wanted literary education have been left almost totally neglected." Indeed, heretofore the few . . . whom wealth and leisure enabled, might drink deep of the Pierian sprii^, while the MSmk)n of its salutary streams through every depart- ment of the ConMHonwealth has been either neglected or considered as of inferic«' importance.^' The children of both the rich and the poor, alike, were to receive an education. The education of the latter, however, was to be increasingly selective with the ascent of the academic ladder; thus of the nation's poor children, only the most talented would receive a free puBlic-^apported univeo^ edw:atk>n. To prevent economic wastage, however, Knox proposed that these talented poor children who had received something less than a university education at publk expense, be utilized as a source of well edu- cated teachers. The major difficulty in the way of a uniform system of educa- tion in the United States was the "wide extent of territory, inhabited by citizens blending together almost all the various manners and customs of every country in Europe." But wasn't this just another sign of the importance of the task ahead ? Nothing but a uniform system of national education " would have " a better effect toward harmonizing the whole," that is, uniting the United States, in the " combined cause of public virtue and literary improvement." The curriculum of the national system should neglect neither the arts nor the sciences. While Knox would include " those sciences that tend to enlarge the sphere of worldly interest and "Ibid., p. 59. ^' Ibid., p. 68. 180 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE prosperity, and without which the various and complicated busi- ness of human life cannot be transacted," he also warned against making education too utilitarian. Education was not to be " the hand maid of industry," no indeed, since the " seminaries of learning are the salutary springs of society." The national edu- cation " should be adapted to youth in general, whether they be intended for civil or commercial life, or for the learned profes- sions." On the principle of the separation of the church and the state, theology was to be excluded from public education. The exktaice of the ratmas itemmmu^iom- in ^lo&tim -wmld Imve made theology a difficult subject to teach. To the denominations, however fell the task of training their own candidates for the ministry. The national system of education which was proposed by Samuel Knox is, essentially, a national extension of and resembles closely the Virginia Bill for the Gcfleral Mfftision of Knowledge that was unsuccessfully sponsored by Thomas Jefiferson in 1779. This is not to suggest plagarism but, merely, to point out that this type of plan was in vogue during the critical years of this country's history. The educational structure of the nation was to be under the control of a National Board of Education. The pyramidal educational framework was based upon a primary school to each parish, an academy m each cwanty and a college in each state. Knox's education scheme was topped by the idea of a National University to be located near the capital city. The teachers in this national scheme were to be well paid, given com- fortable living quarters and, when deserving, be promoted up the academical ladder so that the lowly parish instructor could, perhaps, look forward to an eventual professorMiip at the National University. One of the handicaps faced by many teachers during the early years of this country's development was a shortage of uniform textbooks. Children in the same classroom often had a wide miscellany of textbooks which created many pedagogical problems. Under Samuel Knox's system of education, the schools were to have one uniform system of books that were to be printed by a state printer under the direction of the National Board of Educa- tion; a system that is not unlike the system in many states, today. The National University, not under state control, was the excep- tion to this uniformity and was allowed its own printer. SAMUEL KNOX, MARYLAND EDUCATOR 181 For college entrance, Knox required, first, that all applicMits . . . should have previously gone through the course of education prescribed by the primary school and county academy, or if instructed by private tuition, that their progress should be equal m-Wti-im 4ke mm §iji§t:m0i Sac^ as were tau^t at those seminaries. Secondly, That none educated either publickly or privately t)e admitted but such as on publick examination should give satisfaction, both in their classical and mathematical proficiency. Thirdly. That all students in the State college should at least be intended for a triennial course, which, as nearly as possible, ought to be from the close of the fifteenth till the ^^iSmm of the eighteenth year of their age.^* The collegiate education proffered by Samuel Knox was, basic- ally, a modified classical liberal arts program, Knox insisted, for example, that much more time be spent in vacations and rdaxation than many of the colleges of his time permitted. Taking a some- what pragmatic view, he felt "that the students in the State colleges shotild have time to mix a IMe in -society, see tfieir friends, and know something of the world, as well as books." The keystone to Samuel Knox's educational arch is the Uni- verstty q£ the United States. He felt very strongly that a " great, ejs^sive and enlightened commonwealth " could not find a better cause in which to exhibit " even to some degree of excess, its munificence than in founding, endowing, and supporting a suitable seat national improvemmt iii litantaK ssid. emadi^m." TMs was even more important than attention to the economic aspects of our nation's development since, as he put it, the "mental powers of man " are " superior to mere bodily emdowments and the means of pampering these." The National University, which was to be placed at the head " of a system of national education " would be connected . . . with every branch or seminary of the general system, would tend not only to finish or consummate the whole literary course, but also to confer upon it that national dignity and importance which such a com- bination of public patronage and interest would justly expect and merit. It would thus constitute the fountain head of science, that center to which all the literary genius of the Commonwealth would tend ; and from which, when matured by its instructive influence, would diffuse the rays of knowk<%e and science to the remotest situations of the United iptrern- ment.^" " Ibid., pp. 138-39. Ibid., p. 149. 182 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE This in brief was the plan whereby Sartmel Knox hoped to educate and unify the people of the United States. For his system of education he claimed that " under proper patronage and the ftrt!i, Thcanas Jefferson: On the same Acct. a hostile spirit was taken up against me by the Politically, Frederick was a Republican towa in both 1800 and 1802. 186 MARYLsAN® HISTCMUCAL MAGAZINE Trustees of the Fredericktown Academy, at the same time under my direction. The Messrs. Potts and other highly Fed'l gentlemen of the place removed their sons and placed them at Princeton College — Assigning as their motive that they had been improperly instructed by me. To counteract a procedure so groundless and malignant, I was forced to send an Address to the Faculty of Princeton &)llege requesting in the fiQ9St earnest manner an examination on the youth from Fredericktown — «nd the favour of a certificate of the manner in which they had aquitted them- selves on that Examination, on being admitted to their college. The result was very flattering to me — I received a certificate, which the circum- stances mentioned induced me to publish, that no youth had ever entered that college, who had done more cre^tte the many years which had passed without any overt activity or signs of activity in behalf of a national university by the Federal government, Knox had not given up hope; he still cherished the idea of a national system of education that was to be headed by a federal university. One had but to read the inaugural addresses of almost every American president up to that time to find words of encouragement for the proponents of a national university. In March of 1826, Knox travelled to Wash- ington to lobby with members of Congress on that matter and reported of his mission to his 9<»-in-t«w, Mr. Archibald George of Baltimore, that he . . . was very attentively and politely received and treated by some of the members individually to whom I was introduced, but they all agree that pdajic education was a subject Congress could not take up; that it was unconstitutional and reserved as an inherent right in each particular state. I took the liberty of arguing the point Vith some of them in this way: I said that I regretted to have to observe that what tended to the growing opulence and high improvement of the nation in that respect, in as far as roads and canals could subserve the object, nothing seemed to be unconstitutional, but that roads and canals were absolutely necessary to convey the treasury of wisdom and light and knowledge to the minds ie to work, so that l»d it uot been the Providence of almighty God, we had all certainly perished. While the carpenter stood ready with his axe, there came a terrible wave, which washed him and 2 others overboard, but they were all 3 taken up alive. This tempest continued from 8 in the morning until 4 in the afternoon, but the height of it did not continue above 3 hours. About 5 we went down to the hold, wkdce we foued it much better tiMtn expecMioa, ibace boiag fiot above 2 3 200 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE foot of water in it, but the goods were much damaged. The ship lay all this time on her broad side, so that there was no standing; however, we shifted as well as we could the goods and ballast, and brought the ship a little to rights. Next morning proved a fine day, but it was very dismal to see our ship destitute of masts and sails, we not knowing how far we might be from any land. In the place of a main mast, we set up one old foretop mast, and for the mizzen one oar. We got old rotten remnants of sftik in the hold and patched them up as well as we could, and after this manner we continued until the end of our voyage. About 4 days after this we met a sloop ia M bad a cwidition as ourselves, if not worse. She had met with a violent storm m the month of August, by which she lost her mast and her upper deck and atbin, with the super- cargo in it. They had neither compass nor quadrant aboard and, having lost their rudder, were obliged to let her drive as the winds permitted. They had come from New England and bound for Jamaica. We spared Lhem a compass and quadrant, for which our Captain got 8 barrels of flour and 6 firkins of butter. The weather continued very good and on Sunday, September 29, we got soundings in 34 fathom water. About 5 after- noon we got sight of North Carolina, which was very acceptable to us, we not having seen land this 6 months and more. This day one of our m^ fell overboard and one died. Here we anchored 2 days, in which time we run a great hazard of our lives, for there happened at this time to be a Bristol ship and a Maryland ship riding z\mg with us: the Maryland ship had ccxiie from Jamiaica Icmd with rum, si:^ar and molasses. The Bristol man came from Guinea but had disposed of his slaves in Barbadoes, and was bound homeward with a cargo of sugar. He had lost all of his men but 5 hands, and this Maryland ship was to conduct him to Virginia, where he was to get more hands and provisions. Our Captain went aboard to see him and there got himself very drmk. It being late at night when he came aboard and high sea, we could not get cnir boat hoisted in, which occasioned its being lost, for all night the sea was rough and next morning about 10 she was staved to pieces. The weather continued very tempestuous all that day, which forced the Maryland ship to slip her anchor, but the Bristol man and we still kept fast until about 12 at night, when the Bristol ship slipped likewise. New, if ^ had struck on our vessel, it had been perhaps the loss of both ships, to save which we were just going to cut our cable, and had already cut it half through when the ship drove by us about 6 yards, and the wind being right on shore, forced the ship against a hard beach, where she was staved to pieces and all in her perished, they being fast asleep when she sliped her anchor. We had gone the same way had it not been for the toughness of our ropes. Next day the wind proved fair and we weighed anchor and sailed along the coast toward Virginia; but we happened in the night time to sail by tlK Capes and the wind afterward turning N, we could not get back again. Here we m^t with an English ship bound for Maryland, from whom we got some fresh provkions, bat ma gams wtare so swelled with the scarvy ADAM CUNNINGHAM'S ATLANTIC CROSSING, 1728 201 we could scarce eat them. We continued about 2 dajfs, and the t^trd fee wind turning fair, we got into the Capes, where, to complete our mis- fortunes, our Captain through his rashness run the ship aground in the bay, where she still continues without any hope of getting her off. Our whole crew were 19 when we came from Scotland and there are but 14 alive. Thus ends this tedious voyage, which continued 6 months and 17 days, we having come from Scotland !^^fdi'<4 t llt^ 4l»i «Mero4 iie Capes of Virginia October 21, 1728. Cunningham made his way to Williamsburg. The capital town, however, was no place for an impecunious Scot, he thought, even thcmgji he couM draw on his fafher im ftaids aad had introduc- tions to such fellow-Scots in that part of Virginia as Alexander Mackenzie of Hampton and Dr. James Blair of the G)llege of William and Mary. In and near this village of " at most " sixty families, Adam wrote his father in 1729, there were " no less than 25 or 30 phisitians, and of that number not above 2 capable of living handsomly." More than this, he went on, the Williams- burg inns, where a bachelor must live, charged exorbitant prices, so that he could not afford to tarry. Accordingly, after providing himself with a stock of medicines, Cunningham travelled " up the country a considerable way," surveying prospects for practice in each county, but everywhere he " either found the parts pro- vided with phisitians or so poor as not [to be} able to maintain one." It was the same story in Maryl^id. Despairing of estab- lishing himself in America, on Dr. Blair's advice he decided to return to Scotland. Within a few days of the time he was to sail (as ship's surgeon on a vessel leaving the Rappahannock), Cunningham was stricken by an ague. On his recovery he jour- neyed up the river once more and settled near the Bristol Iron Works in King George's County. It was the sickly season, and he expected business would be brisk.* At the Bristol Iron Works Cunningham was at least busy, even if he did not prosper. As to my affairs in relation to physick, I cannot much complain, [he told his father in 1730], for I could have works enough of charity, to perform that way almost every day in the year, and indeed I cannot see a poor planter asking my advice or begging my medicines, without being touched with pity, and freely give him away the drugs that have cost me above ' Adam Cunningham to Sir William Cunningham, King George's County, Va., August 2, 1729. 202 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE 150 per cent m this ccaiotrj. I mmt mtm I m^mvot to H»ke it up with the ridier sort, but these gentlemen are so very careful not to fall sick, as I almost despair of making any thing of them. This is indeed. Sir, the truth of the matter, and in my humble opinion there is no way of making money in this country so easy as by merchandizing, this being the occupation they all come at, for after they have purchased a little stock by their practice, they presently commence merchants, and so make their fortune. So that if Doctor Blair, Colonel McKejMiie, and many others whom I could name have msde their foc^SM m comitry, it is not to be ftttcibated to iieir practice in phfskk h0t M tnUck.' Neither by physick nor traffick did Cunningham make his fortune. When he quit Virginia and returned home is not known. But £ro*n Newct&tle-upon-Tyne, travelling from London to Edin- burgh in the late winter of 1735-1736, he wrote his father to beg for money and arrange a secret rendezvous. He was in serious trouble and could not see friends or family. At least Adam spoke of his going abroad a^in as being for his father's honor and his own safety, and he expressed the hope that he might "' be transported from Port Glasgow to some of the foreign plantations where I may pass the remainder of my days in a sincere repentence of my former folly." * Nothing more than this is known of Adam Cunningham. The family tradition is that he disaff)€ared in Virginia, perhaps after a second passage of the ocean as stormy as the one whose record his family still preserve. ' Same to same, Bristol Mines, Va., May 24, 1730. • Same to same, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, March 23, 1736. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE'S COUMTY By Sara Seth Clark and Eaymond B. Clark, Jr. THIS historic two-part connected house, " Mount Mill " (the original name which we will use in tiiis article) or " Bloom- ingdale," has been called " the most magnificent colonial [j/V] homestead in Queen Anne's County from an architectural point of view." ^ It is situated on Route 50 ^sottt three miles from the once famous port of Queenstown and borders on the Northeast branch of Back "Wye River. Built upon a slight rise of ground, " Mount Mill " serenely overlooks the surrounding countryside. The entrance, approximately one-half mile in length, was at one time bordered by huge cedars, which have been replaced by large maple trees. As one approaches the house the first thing noticed is ftoe unusual two-story octagonal portko. This is the only house in Maryland with such an entrance porch.^ On the extreme west side of the house is another attractive one-storey portico. On the rear there is another such hooded porch which has steps leading down to the lawn and the old remnants of a formal garden. The walls of the main structure are of brick laid in Flemish bond and the mortar is unusually hard. Thomas Johnnings Seth built this part of the house in 1792, which is now the main part of the house. The date " Nov. 1792 " is carved on a brick which is about twenty feet above the ground in the northeast corner, doubt- less placed there when the house was being built. The walls are finished by a simple cornice, and the roof is pitched very low — a feature of much federal architecture. There are single dormer windows with triangular caps on each end of the central section whose ridge lines line with the ridge of the house. The two broad chimneys are in the center of the house, and extend well J. M. Hammond, Colonial Mansions of Maryland and Delaware (Philadelphia, 1914), p. 211. ' The semi-octagonal two-story portico at Cedar Park, West River, Anne Arundel County, is of Victorian vintage. Courtesy of Mr. Bryden B. Hyde. 203 204 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE above the roofline. Instead of being placed at the end of the house as is usual in Maryland they allow for fireplaces on interior walls* The original house at Mount Mill, hm'At about 1684, was a tiny brick structure, directly behind what is now know as the " old wing," which houses the dining room and kitchens today and was the second building on the property, probably erected during the late occupancy of Jacobus Seth. Family fortunes had improved and the size of the family made it necessary to have more living space. The original structure was then used as a kitchen. The " old wing " was constructed of brick and was ornamented with an unusual triple window in the second story, probably drawing its inspiration from the Palladian window so popular in Hiila- delphia and Maryland. This idea was conceived from importation of English design books by Isaac Ware, Thomas Swan, and John Gibbs. The rooms have low (»ftiB^ and squat fireplaces, the latter designed more for use than ornament. The walls were plastered directly on the bricks. As in many houses there is a passageway connecting the 1695 and 1792, or the old " and the "' new " sections of Mount Mill. There is a wall above the doorway in the connecting passage which rises to the height of two-stories in the front and slopes off to a one-story level in the rear. Above the door are two arched recesses, in brick, which simulate windows, attempting to repeat the Palladian window effect used in the " old " wing. The door- way is distinguished by a peaked hood supported by iron brackets and embellished by wrought iron scrolled work. The spacious hall, thirteen by thirty-seven feet in size, in the new section of Mount Mill is an outstanding feature of the first floor plan. It extends from the middle of the entrance facade through the house to the back or garden side. Off the back hall is a stair hall, separated only by a gracefully carved arch with a beaded oval in the center of the soffit supporting a hook from which an old light hung. The front door has a semi-circular bend and transom. The transom and sideli^ts have a delicate tracery of leading, still surviving, decorated with swags and stylized flowers. This work is similar to the fine and delicate work done on exteriors and interiors of Lemon Hill, built in 1799 by James ' Katherine Scarborough, Homes of the Cavaliers (New York, 1930), p. 251. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTY 205 Pratt, in Fairmount Park, Philadelphia, and which copied the earlier home on the same spot built by Robert Morris, well-known financier and land speculator. The cornice and chair rails are plain. Painted white, they make a contrast to the soft yellow of the plastered walls. The sides of the stairway are enclosed by five irdrtically graduated panels. The stair of wide, gently rising steps at the right of the L-hall is broken in its flight to the second floor by two landings. The square balusters are placed two to a tread. The ends of the steps are carved in a double scroll design in high relief. The mahogany hand rail ends in a graceful newel post. A half handrail, on the wall side, adds another refinement to an already delicate treatment of the stair passage. In the photograph one can see the side door which opens onto the very attractive double-arched side portico. Doubtless this lovely hall of ample proportions was the spot chosen as a family sitting room in warm weather as the three doors and wide stairwell provided plenty of ventilation. Dr. Abbott Lowell Cummings has studied the usage of colonial rooms and confirms the value of the hall as a sitting room rather than the more formal parlors.* The first floor of the new section of the house, in addition to the ample hall, contains a drawing room to the left of the entrance and a sitting room to the right. Behind the sitting room is the library. It is quite possible that one of these rooms may have served as a downstairs bedroom during the years of the Seth family occupancy. The outstanding decorative features of these rooms are the delicately carved five-foot high mantelpieces. Those in the two larger parlors have two fluted columns topped by pointed and semi-circular carved panels flanking tiny diamond and circle bead- ing which runs the length of the mantel shelf. Oval medallions are carved in the central frieze of both. On the sides of the two mantels are two recessed arches with reeded trim and keystone. The jambs contain cupboards. The library, like the room above it has a plainer mantel treatment, the main decoration deriving from crosseted corners, a device frequently appearing in the carpenter pattern manual books which copied English and Italian designs. ' Lecture of Dr. Abbott Lowell Cummings, Assistant Curator of the American Wing, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, entitled " How Our Forebears Furnished Their Homes," January 13, 1955, at the Maryland Historical Society. 206 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Both parlors have four regularly spaced windows, two on each side, which are plainly trimmed and fitted with inside paneled shutters which extend from the window head to the floor. It is doubtful if elaborate hangings v/ere used with such an arrange- ment. All the doors in this section of the house are six paaeled, sometimes called witches " doors. As in the hall, the rcxms have a plain cornice, which give the proper balance to the high- ceilinged rooms. The walls, again, are plastered. The second floor has four bedrooms duplicating the arrange- ment of the first floor with a small room over the front part of the wide hall. The two larger bedrooms have carved mantelpieces while the smaller chamber over the library has a much simpler paneling over the fireplace which is flanked by cupboards. This may indicate that the room was intended as a linen room. The third floor, also has a wide hall, two finished rooms, both of which have a dormer window and three storage rooms. It has been sug- gested that these rooms may have been used as quarters for the house slaves. Thus, this section of the house has nine good-sized rooiHS, three storage rooms, an entrance and stair hall, and two other halls. There are three separate unconnected cellars under the house. In the main section the cellar is divMed into rooms exactly like those of the first floor and has fireplaces and brick floors. One can only speculate that much cooking, spinning, and weaving was done in these rooms by the slaves. There are the remains of an early furnace that an owner about sixty years ago installed. A short distance from the house was a plain brick building with sixteen windows which was the oW sla^e quarter, some of the foundations of which still remain. This has since been torn down but was seen by one of the co-authors in her youth. Thomas Johnnings Setli, the last of the Seths to own Mount Mill, manu- mitted his slaves before his death. On January 16, 1685, Peter Sayer deeded to Jacobus Seth this tract of land which was to be his permanent home and which was to be owned by his descendants for nearly 200 years.' This tract was granted to Robert Morris by letters and patents from Lord Baltimore September 12, 1665. The biography of Jacobus Seth, who called himself " Jacob " 'Talbot County Land Records, Liber 5, f. 12. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTY 207 4 FIRST FLOOR PLAN OF BLOOMINGDALE 208 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE after his naturalization, prior to his purchase of Mount Mill is both interesting and intriguing. He is first known as a resident of Delaware.* Two leagues from Cape Cornelius on the west side of the river near its mouth there is a certain creek called Hoern Kill, which may well pass for a middling or small river, for it is navigable a great way upwards . . . Channel at fort is wide and near the fort is a glorious spring of fresh water . . . running down to Hoern Kill or Harlot's Creek.' The Dutch continued to claim the territory of Delaware. In 1630 one David de Vries built a fort within the capes of the Delaware on the west about two leagues from Cape Cornelius at the place now Lewis Town, then called by the name of Hoern Kill.^ Whether Swede or Dutch, Jacobus Seth is first a native of Dela- ware when his name appears on m aj^ended list of settlers in Hoern Kill noted by the historian Scharf as belonging to the company in Delaware in 1676-1677. Captain Edmond Cantwell of New Castle obtained land patents for tbeift. Jacobus Seth received five hundred acres. ^ He was also the recipient of a grant of land from the Duke of York called " Timber Ridge " which ccMnprised five hundred acres and was situated near the little village of Midway which is verified by a person who has sur- veyed much of the land in that section.^^ Jacobus Seth and his wife, Margaret, left Delaware and came to the province of Maryland." He bought a tract of one hundred acres in Dorchester County called " Huntingfield," from John Richardson afld his wife, Susan. This tract was on the " south side of the great Choptank " and on the south side of a creek called Coquiaco Creek, near the land of Major Smithson's." After the death of Jacobus Seth the Dorchester land records indicate his daughter Mary Seth, had inherited the property." 'Samuel Smith, The History of . . . New Jersey (Burlington, 1765), p. 58. This source seems to think Jacobus Seth came over as early as 1627 with the early settlement. ' Ibid., p. 57. 'Ibid., p. 22. •Scharf, History of Delaware (Philadelphia, 1888), II, 1202. ^° Original Land Titles in Delaware . . . The Duke of York Records . . . (Wilmington. 1890), p. 175. Letter, Wm. Mustard to Gen. Joseph B. Seth, June 29, 1903. Maryland Early Settlers List, Land Office, Annapolis, Liber 15, f. 518. " Dorchester Co. Land Records, Liber Old No. 3, f. 77. ^' Rent Rolls, Dorchester Co., 1659-1723, Calvert Papers No. 885, p. 284. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE's COUNTY 209 After the death of his first wife (before 1679)" he married Barbara Beckwith, daughter of Captain George Beckwith and his wife, Frances Harvey. Captain Beckwitfi died in London and his wife died on their plantation in St. Mary's County without learn- ing of her husband's death. This circumstance gave credence to the ghostly tale about St. Joseph's Manor in ixrhich Barbara's mother's ghost arose from her grave, walked to the shore, and was met by her husband who had sailed up the river on a phantom ship. The two figures embraced, and then both vanished.^* The two estates were settled at the same time, and the inventory showed they were people of culture and learning by the number and quality of the furnishings and the unusual number of books — a great number to be owned by a family in that period.^' The Beckwiths had lived on the estate Frances had inherited as sole heir of her father, Nicholas Harvey,^* who is listed as one of the passengers of the Ark or the Dove}^ He received a grant from Lord Baltimore and was " Lord of St. Joseph's Manor " which consisted of one thousand acres in St. Mary's County, sur- veyed December, 1642, with full manorial rights and privileges of Court Baron and Court Leet.~° He also received one of the early commissions from Lord Baltimore to take a company of not less than twelve men (English) , fully armed, and to go against the Marquantequats if necessary," Jacobus Seth was naturalized in 1684 probably with Peter Bayard and other migrating from SwedMi Delaware to Maryland. It is highly probable that Jacobus Seth dropped the prefix " von " from his name then." With his family Jacobus came to Talbot County from Dor- chester and on November l4, 1684, bought from Francis Shepeard and his wife Hannah, for " four thousand five hundred pounds of merchantable tobacco in casque " a tract of land known as " Testamentary Proceeding, Hall of Records, Annapolis, II, I. 271. November, 1679, Barbara Bisckwith, wife of Jacobus Seth, one of the orphans of George and Frances Beckwith, receives her share of estate of father. ^° Ghost story written by Paul Beckwith and published in a Washii^on paper. ^' Harry Wright Newman (ed.). Seigniory in Early Maryland (1949), p. 43. "Will of Nicholas Harvey. Maryland Wills, Liber 1, f. 11, Hall of Records, Annapolis. ^'G. N. MacKenzie, Colonial Families, V (Baltimore, 1915), 293. " H. D. Richardson, Side Lights on Maryland History (Baltimore, 1913), I, 264. "'^ Archives of Maryland, II, 87. "Laws of Maryland (Recorded), Liber W. H. (1640-1688), Acts of 1684, f. 275, Hall of Records, Annapolis. 210 MARYLAND HISTCMIICAL MAGAZINE " Shepheard's Discovery." It was situated on the south side of a creek called Jones and consisted of two hundred acres of land on the Oiester River in Talbot County alongside a parcel of land called "' Ewing Field." Likev/ise the same day he purchased this tract called "Ewing Field" which also consisted of two hundred acres frbin the Shepheards' forflte^ttie affiiottnt." The acquisition of the tract of Mount Mill by the Seths came in 1685 indicating they lived on the Chester River property but a month or so. The name Mount Mill Was probably derix^ed from the fact that there was a mill on the property. The Miller's House is a gambrel-roofed brick house which is still standing. This mill was operated by the Seth family for many years and was known as Seth's Mill. Frederic Emory's Queen Anne's County, and W. H. DeCoursey Wright Thom and Dr. Elizabeth Merritt's monographs on Old Wye Church refer quite often to the old Seth Mill. After Jacobus Seth's death, the mill passed to the various Seth descendants and several land records indicate that the mill was operated directly, leased, or mortgaged as a business venture. Thomas Johnnings Seth in 1796, bought one and a half acres from William Hemsely (part of the " Cloverfield " tract) for twenty pounds next to his mill which was on the north side of the road from Seth's Mill to Wye Mill.^* Seth's Mill was often used as a boundary in land transactions." On June 14, 1684, Jacob and his wife, Barbara B. Seth, sold William Younge, " Carpenter," thkt^-three acres, a part of the tract of Mount Mill for 600 pounds of tobacco.^^ The next addi- tion to the tract of Mount Mill that finally comprised a thousand acres was made when James Sedgwick sold Jacob Seth a tract of land named " Hackney Marsh " for seven thousand pounds of tobacco on July 16, 1684. This land was situated on the Wye River in the woods near Thomas' Branch and bounded on one side by the Mount Mill tract and on the other side by William Younge's land, " Middle Plantation." " More than ten years later, on August 17, 1697, Jacobus Seth " Talbot County Land Records, Liber 1, f . 361. "-Ibid., i. 362. Also Queen Anne's Co. Land Records, Liber S.T.W. No. 4, f. 399. " Erederic Emory, Queen Anne's County, Maryland (Baltimore: Maryland His- torical Society, 1950), p. 20, 27, 197. *• Talbot County Land Records, Liber 4, f. 304. " Ibid., I. 292. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTY 211 purchased two more tracts of land. The first was " Jackson's Choice " bought from Richard Jackson and wife Lettice for 5,000 pounds of tobacco. This was ki T^Mmt County " at the mouth of John Jenkins Creek to the Bay Si4ej|Md bounded by said Bay" and contained fifty acres.^' The tttttrnday, Peter Sayer and his wM«j f faae^ m:&td tlie mle of « ti»(Ol «f llutii •!# Seth ^ 5,000 pounds of tobacco. This Plantation named " Hogg's Hole " contained one hundred acres and was described as being " on the Eastern Shore on the North side of a creek called Jenkins Creek." This seems to be the last land bought by Jacobus Seth. How- ever, in his win is the following: I leave to my executrix if she shall agree with Mr. Blake to make tobacco for the land I bought of Colonel Peter Sewell which was according to Mr. Blake's own offer. The land was standing in six thousand pounds of tobacco and so it is shall be strudcen off ye dodcet. His will was dated December 22, 1697. He devised a large bequest to " my beloved fathers, ye five priests " and asked that " a priest be procured to officiate at his funeral, if possible." His elder son, John, was to receive the estate of Mount Mill and his son Charles the two properties on the Chest®: River. If John Seth died without heirs, Charles was to receive Mount Mill and those plantations bequeathed to Charles were to be the prop- erty of his cfemghters, Jane and Susannah. He was correct in his surmise for his son John Seth died young and the estate of Mount Mill became the property of Charles Seth. Jacob's daughter by his first wife, Mary, received his holdings in Dorchester, 2,000 pounds of tobacco and seven years rent free on the plantation where she then lived." The inventories and accounts settling Jacob Seth's estate make interesting reading, especially when they listed the mourning clothes for the children and the quantity of the liquid refresh- ments purchased for the funeral. Such occasions were great cere- monies and opportunities for much eating and drinking. Also in "Ibid., f. 251. "'Ibid., Liber?, f. 251. Will of Jacobus Seth, Talbot County Wills, Box 21, folder 15, H«J! ©f Records, Annapolis. 212 MARYLAND HISTCMUCAL MAGAZINE the inventory were " books " belonging to Jacob written " in the Dutch language." Jacob Seth's son Qiarles when 14 was ordered by the court to be apprenticed to a ship carpenter, to learn a trade, which was the custom in colonial days. Charles Seth married Elizabeth Jennings whi) SkfmeA him ajid liacter iwtfried Nath«»iel Connor. Chafles Seth's will, dated April 23, 1737, was probated June 12th of the same year. He devised his Mount Mill property and surroundings to be divided among his four sons, John, James, Charles, and Jacob, who were the third generatic«i of Seth owners of the property." Thus began the subdivision of tise Mount Mill property which had taken Jacobus Seth some twenty years to amass. The division meant that each of the four sons received approximately 112 acres and is shown in indentures given from one brother to another. The part containing the manor house was in the end acquired by Jacob Seth. James Seth, a ship joyner of Philadelphia, and his wife Anne deeded his portion of the lands left him by his father, Charles Seth, consisting of parts of " Benett's Outlet " (once Hackney Marsh and Hogg's Hole), Mount Mill and the " Addition " to his brother Charles Seth, a planter in Queen Annd's County, on January 12, 1753, for 116 pounds.^^ John Seth sold his legacy to Edward Neale of Queen Anne's County. An agreement was signed August 30, 1759, for John's share of Mount Mill consisting of lllVz acres, with the appur- tenances and the water mill, for 191 pounds, fourteen shillings, eight pence. They received the " Gears the Stones . . ." for four pounds current money if they paid the original price and interest by July 24, 1762. Edward Neale died and this contract was inherited by his daughter Martha who had married Francis Hall. The Halls sold the property back to John Seth and his wife Lucy, February 9, 1768.*" Two days later, February 11, 1768, records substantiate the sale of this same property, houses, water mills, water courses, etc., containing 112 acres of the tract called "Mount Mill" from " Talbot County Inventories, Liber J. B. #1, f. 378. " Queen Anne's County Wills, Box 11, Folder 30, Hall of Records, Anntpolis. ** Queen Anne's Co. Land Record, Liber R. T. #D, f. 128, »• Ibid. BLOOMINGDALE, led the form of WilllM Steett, Miss HBtrris's nephew, who had drowned in the old mill race. The ghost led them down the hall and up the stairs to the room the nephews had occupied when alive. The figure passed through the tecfced door, but when Mks Sallie and her guest unlocked the door, they found only a rumpled bed to show any signs of occupancy. °^ ** Baltimore Furniture: The Work of Baltimore and Annapolis Cabinetmakers from 1760 to 1810 (Baltimore, 1947), No. 77. " Queen Anne's Co. Wills, Liber, T. C. E. #2, if. 72-76. Hammond, op, cit., pp. 214-215. BLOOMINGDALE, OR MOUNT MILL, QUEEN ANNE'S COUNTV 217 During the lifetime of the Harris sisters the name of the estate was changed from Mount Mill to Bloomingdale. The sisters were famous for their church work, their charities, and their hospitality. The will of Miss Sallie Harris was probated May 5, 1880. She devised all to her sister, Mary, should she survive her. Legacies were made to her great nephew, James William Sterett and his sister Sallie E. Littig, which consisted of a farm called the " Church Farm " (near the Catholic Church) and on the left of the new road to Centreviile. She bequeathed the remainder of her prop- erty (oh the right of the Centreviile road) — all ^ possessed including mansion house, tenant house, all buildings, improve- ments, furniture, plate, stock, and personal estate, mill, and mill seat adptBHig Bloomingdale on opposite side df ro«c<3, to her friend and relative, Severn Teackle Wallis, of Baltimore, at the death of her sister Mary, and paying all other legacies. She desired that her executor, Mr. Wallis, invest such an amount of her personal estate to make secure the servants who had formerly been slaves.'^ Severn Teackle Wallis is well known to Marylanders. He was honored abroad for his scholastic abilities and was prominent in civic affairs in Baltimore, where a statue was erected in his honor. Graduated from college at sixteen, he completed his law course at nineteen and practiced law alfliough he could not be admitted to the Bar until he was twenty-one. Trying to prevent the Civil War, he was one of the members of the Legislature who protested to President Lincoln against the passage of troops through Baltimore. Later he was arrested with other members in order to prevent the secession of the State from the Union. Imprisoned for months, he declined to take certain oaths submitted to him as the price of freedom and lost his health in consequence." Late in life he served as President of the Mary- land Historical Society. Wallis on January 28, 1892, sold Bloomingdale where he had frequently entertained Baltimore society, to his nephew, John Mather Wallis but he retained a mortgage securing the sum of $23,712.19, the balance of the purchase price.'* However, Wallis died intestate in April, 1894, and John Mather Wallis sold the " Queen Anne's Co. Wills, Liber W. A. J. #1, flf. 304-312. "Scarborough, op. cit., pp. 253-254. "* Queen Anne's Co. Land Records, Liber L. D. #1, f. 253. 218 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE property to John S. Wallis to satisfy the mortgage by order of the executors of the estate of Severn Teackle Wallis. On July 8, 1898, James Mather Wallk c4 Court House by a group of persons disaffected bf Court ^cilkm tmof ©f wbom became inebriated. In this case his testimony confirmed that of others that Mr. Lillintone in company with several companions came to the Court House during their sitting and holding court and took a room over the Coounissioners Chamber Siat they bespoke a dinner to be brought to the water side and a Table to be ikem, a deal of vktu»k were seen bek^ carried out of the Court Hoi^e io*© ftte ieid "t^aere Aey did CarrtM»e drinKing all night. Some of them had ridd iJieir horses into the Court House — some of their frolics had put themselves into the Pillory. They drank untill they fell together by the ears — one flinging one another into the water— -and in their frolics they had given a name to their place of meeting. Lillingstone said it would be called a Convention — the others said it should be called Lambeth Hall. The aforesaid company continued their frolics four or five days or thereabouts.'^ In 1694 the public ammunition was committed to the charge of John Edmondson.'^ In the same year he was on the bond of the Collector of Wiccomocco and Potomac, £400 sterling." In 1695 he was on the bond of Edward Greene who seizes wrecks " Thither coming & by Law condemnable " and " Whales & other Royall fiA . . . wirti libetty of trying Oyle." While in the Assembly with two other Friends, Ralph Fishborne and Bryan O'Mealy he was appointed to confer with Col. Vincent Lowe on the charges of the latter that it was the influraKe of Fciends in the Assembly that had caused taxes to be raised so high. Friends were cleared of the charge. " Ibid., 199. Also Raphael Semmes, Captains and Mariners of Early Maryland (Baltimore, 1937), pp. 652-653. ""Archives of Maryland. VIII, 215-220. « Ibid., 242. " Ibid., XIII, 366. " Ibid., XX, 206. Ibid., 259. "Ibid., 269, 302-303. 226 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Likewise in local affairs John Edmondson played an active part. In the levy of 1669 he was assessed 6600 pounds of tobacco at 76 per poll.^® Hiis was one-third ctf the total assessment oti all residents of the county. In 1669 he was appointed by the Court with Mr. William Coursey "' Overseeare and Repairer of the High Whys." His furfsdiction was from the Ordinary fo the Chdptailk.*' In the same year he was granted ten acres of land lying at the head of Miles River in Talbot County on each side of the run of the water running there together for the building of a mill. As early as 1676 he proved his fi^lts for transporting thirty servants in the preceding year but he assigned to Will Stevens of Somerset and others the right to 1,400 acres of land for the transportation of these people. The individuals brought in largely bear Quaker names frequently met in the early Talbot records.^^ His local prestige is reflected in the testimony in the affair of Poh Poh Caquis, a drunken Indian, who attempted to murder by gunfire William Troth in his home. Troth testified that after the inci- dent, fearing further trouble, he took refuge in the home of John Edmondson and found visiting there Col. Philemon Lloyd, a member of the Governor's Council.*' John Edmondson took in and cared for a wounded soldier, William Smith, who had been disabled by the Indians, and for this service received compensa- tion from Talbot County.*" Between 1679 and 1698 the Provincial Judgments reflect that he was piaintiff in 117 instances and defendant in 103 although disputes between Quakers that ordi- narily would bring recourse to Court were settled in Quaker Meet- ing and without recourse to law. Disputes in which he was in- volved brought him at times under Quaker discipline. John Edmondson was a contributor to the first school library in Mary- land — that at Third Haven.*^ The library was founded by George Fox with books sent from England following his return from his visit to Maryland. Some of these books remain in the Third Haven Meeting House to this day. A sidelight on the diversity of the " Ibid., LIV, 445. "Ibid., 435. Among them Montague, Johns, Peeke, Lewis, Dorrington, Gurling, Marsh, Sharpe, Mackley, Eubanck. Shaw, Tate, Dowsworth, Lamb, Brewings, Stoakely, Archbold, Magurney, Barrett, Wasse, Fisher, Oram, and Kilgore. Archives of Maryland, XVII, 176-178. "litd., LIII, vlvii; LIV, 419. Two-Hundredth Anniversary of the Friends' Meeting House at Third Haven (Easton, 1884). JOHN EDMONDSON — ^LARGE MERCHANT 227 activity of John Edmondson is reflected in a review of the practice of medicine in the early colonial days. The Editor of the Early Maryland County Courts reports it this way: A curious incident of a contract based on a promised cure is to be fetfifrd in the suit of a certain Thomas Watson who agreed to serve Mr. John Edmondson for two years if the latter would cure his leg and complained that he had been assigned by Edmondson to another master, and that his leg had not been cured, and added that he was in " Grate Miszerry," and petitioned for his freedom. The Court asked Dr. Richard Tilghman for an expert opinion who reported that " the leg was very bad and required speedy help." The Court freed Watson from his contract and ordered Edmondson to pay him the usual " freedom corne and clothes." John Edmondson's transactions are spread upon the Pennsyl- vania records of the Lower Counties on the Delaware especially at New Castle. It is recorded that at a public outcry of the houses, lands, and possessions of Capt. John Carr who had been of the Commission Office at Delaware that John Edmondson purchased for 3300 guilders " the house and lands known as the Greathouse with the blok-house and ketching with the erves thereunto be- longing." A year later he petitioned for a new survey of the lands he had previously bought but had been prevented from possessing by the coming of the Dutch. Other litigation at New Castle reveals the extent of the land transactions of John Edmond- son in these Pennsylvania counties. John Edmondson and John Moll were the agents of John Fenwick, a great Quaker and the founder of the town of Salem, New Jersey, and the owner of great tracts of Pennsylvania land in Delaware. Personally and perhaps once accompanied by his wife Sarah he attended meetings of the Court at New Castle. Capt. Edmund Cantwell, Commissioner of the fort at New Castle, visited John Edmondson at his home at Cedar Point in Talbot. At New Castle Edmondson was repre- sented by his attorney, John Moll said to have been the most eminent mathematician in the colonies. The record of John Ed- mondson's Pensylvania litigation is voluminous but chiefly inter- esting for the light it sheds on life and events of these early days in and about Christiana Creek. There are in the Delaware records further entries to indicate the diversity of Edmondson's operations there. He was sued in "Archives of Maryland, LIII, liii; LIV, 466-467. 228 MARYLAND HISTMUCAL MAGAZINE the Upland Court of Pennsylvania for 1,200 pounds of tobacco on a transaction involving " a certain great boat or shiallup " and at auction the boat was sold for 625 guilders to be paid in tobacco at 8 stivers a pound or in wheat at 5 guilders a schepel. One of the earliest, if not the earliest Quaker in Talbot, and throughout his life a vigorous cultivator of both the inner and the outer plantations, it was John Edmondson who deeded the land for the building of Third Haven Meeting House, 1682. It is a portion of Edmondson's Neck " on which his own home " Cedar Point " stood. Be£os:e the meeting house was built the home of John Edmondson was the place of meeting. George Fox was twice a visitor at John Edmondson's, November 3, 1672, and January 24, 1673. The births of the Btedmdson childrei and the mar- riages of all of them except Grace and Samuel are recorded in Third Haven Meeting. John and Sarah were first among the wit- nesses to many a marriage there. Oeexgt fox itt his lonmd states: TTie ckf follcmkig we travelled hard, though we had some troublesome bogs in our way; we rode about fifty miles, and got safe that night to Robert Harwood's at Miles-river in Maryland . . . and ftough we were weary and iiKtch dirtied with die yet hearing of a meeting aeict day, we went to it, aiid from it to John Edmondson's ; from whence we went three or four miles by water to a meeting on the first-day following. . . . I went back to friends that night and on the next day we departed thence about nineteen or twenty miles to Tred-haven creek to John Edmondson's again, and whence the third of the eighth month we went to the general meeting for all Maryland friends. George Fox records that the meeting lasted several days, the first three being for worship and the last two church business. He records " several magistrates with their wives, many Protestants of div«se sorts and some Papists and persons of chief account in the country were present. It was thought that there were a thousand people and there were so many boats on the river that it was al- most like the Thames." John Edmondson's seat was " Cedar Point " in the area yet known as " Edmondson's Neck " on the Tred Avon about two miles from present day Easton. Parts of the old home are still standing in spite of a disastrous fire. For many years the property was known locally as the Edward B. Hardcastle estate, then as the estate of Charles Todd, and more recently it has become the prop- " A Journal . . . of . . . George Fox (LondoQ, 1765), pp. 447-449. JOHN EDMONDSON — LARGE MERCHANT 229 erty of Mr. and Mrs. W. Alton Jones in whose hands it has become one of the finest examples of colonial restoration in Maryland. John Edmondson died in 1697 or early in 1698. His will is dated 9th of 8th month 1697 and was probated in Talbot March 7, 1697/8.** In Pennsylvania the document was recorded in Kent County, now Delaware. The will speaks of wife Sarah, sons James, Thomas and Samuel, his deceased son John, his daughter Elizabeth Stevens, and son Abraham Morgan. In the later part of the will is reference to "my five children." The executors were the widow and the foor srnis. The bond was 2,000 pounds Sterling, and Abra- ham Morgan was the security.*^ While the property was of great extent there was insufficient cash to settle. By 1709 the estate was not yet settled and then Thomas, the sole surviving executor, sought an Act of Assembly to confirm him in the sale of certain of the Pennsylvania land for the payment of debts due from the estate. In the Pennsylvania record k Ais " Wfeereas by Act of Assembly, November 11, 1709. Thomas Edmondson of Talbot County, Gentleman, was empowered to sell and dispose of lands left by the will of his father John Edmondson." " Under this authority Thomas Edmondson sold to Robert Grundy about ten thousand acres of Delaware land. The remaining land in Penn- sylvania was not sold until October 7, 1763, when John Reed of Philadelphia purchased the residue for three thousand five hun- dred pounds. Some small portions yet remaining were sold in 1769 to Thomas Wharton. Most of the Marylaud land came down through Pollard Edmondson to Horatio Edmondson and then to Horatio, Jr. who apparently was not able to conserve the con- siderable estate that had come to him from his forefathers. Horatio Edmondson, Jr. was the last Edmondson to reside at " Cedar Point." No doubt the ashes of John Edmondson, Gent., Quaker mer- chant of Third Haven lie in the Meeting House of Third Haven there in Edmondson' Neck," but there is no stone as such were then not used by Friends, but in a larger measure the Meeting House itself is a monument to the memory of this man of large affairs who cherished in his heart the simple beliefs of Quakers. John and Sarah Edmondson have many descendants in Talbot, Delaware Calendar of Probate 20, Dover. "Test. Proc. 17, 18S. Inventory JB # 1, 63. " Del. Test. Proc, D P D, 94, Dover. 230 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE in Dorchester, and in other Maryland counties, in Delaware, and elsewhere. Many have retained their Quaker allegiance. Sarah,' the eldest of the ehft^^ fcorn 24th of 11th month called January, 1664, marrkd " in an assembly of the people of God at their meeting place at the house of John Edmondjon " DeoSrtber 26, 1682," William Johnson, mariner of Raddiffe in Old England. In consideration of the marriage John Edmondson deeded to them the tract of land on the north side of Third Haven Creek which he had purchased from Francis Armstrong while yet a resident of Calvert.^^ William Johnson died before May 22, 1697, and John Edmondson administered on his estate." Sarah must have died before the 8th month 1697 as she is not mentioned in her father's will. John, the eldest son, " born 2d of 2d month called April 1666," married at Betty's Cove Meeting, March 28, 1685,''° Susannah O'Mealy, born June 27, 1673, daughter of Bryan O'Mealy and his first wife, who was Ann, the widow Morgan. John died in March, 1687, without children. He left a will dated February 13, 1685/6, which was recorded at Annapolis but not in Talbot. Its provisions were confirmed in the will of his father. He made his next oldest brother James his residuary legatee. The property was consider- able including " Cook's Hope Manor," 1000 acres. This property passed by primogeniture to James Edmondson's son, John Ed- mondson." Grace, second daughter, born 22nd of 9th month 1668, was a witness to a marriage when she was thirteen, but she is not men- tioned in her father's will, and so was presumably dead before 1697. An inference has been drawn by some from an obscure item in the will of John Edmondson that she married a Brooks. After making dispositions to all of his children and to his wife and after bequests to a number of others tJiere is this: " Item, I give unto Katherine Brooks grand Child two hundred acres of land out of thirteen hundred acres that I have by Indian Town." The question remains whether Katherine Brooks is his grandchild or whether the inheritor is the grandchild of one Katherine Brooks whose inter- ests John Edmondson recognized. *' Third Haven Records, 97-99. Talbot Land Records 4, AH, 181-2. "Test. Proc. Kent County 1695-97, Vol. 16, 239. "Third Haven Records, 5, 339. " D. M. Owings, " Private Manors: An Edited List," Md. Hist. Mag., XXXIII (Dec, 1938), 325-326. JOHN EDMCavTDSON — LARGE MERCHANT 231 Jmms, #fe 9fKe>tid soti, tifc ferdiear of the Edmondsons of Talbot, was born 25th of 2nd month called April 1670 and died June 27, 1702.'^ He married December 18, 1691, Magdalen Stevens of Dorchester at Dorothy Stevens' house in Great Chop- tank." After the death of her husband at the age of 32 Magda- len married Jacob Loockerman at St. Peter's Parish Church in iTt^l. The marriage was condemned at Quaker Meeting " he «rot being a Quaker." ^* Subsequently she condemned her own action in marrying outside the good order.'' James Edmondson and his brother Thomas ptovitei ^ timber to cover the meeting house at Third Haven.^" The four children of James and Magdalen married into the Pollard, Bartlett, Clayton and Powell families."^ A grandson through John, called Joftft of B&lfbttry Was a delegate from Talbot to the Convention which ratified the Constitution. John, son of James and Magdalen, married Margaret Pollard, daughter of Tobias and Jtee Mlard of DorAi^ster and they had with others a son Hon. Pollard Edmondson who married March 5, 1738, Mary Dickinson, daughter of Hon. James Dickinson, and they had a fairffly 6f sons and daughters, among the latter Luci%tia who in 1786 married Capt. Severn Teackle. These became the parents of Elizabeth Custis Teackle who married Phillip Wallis to whom Was born, Septeirfcer 6, 1816, Hon. Se«^ern Teackle Wallis of Baltimore. Another daughter, Elizabeth, married be- fore 1763, Hugh Hopewell of St. Mary's County, Justice of the Court there, and from them is descended the Duchess of Windsor. Pollard Edmondson, Sr., served in the Colonial Troop of horse, 1748; he was a member of the Lower House of Assembly 1751- 1768; a member of the Provincial Convention 1775-1776 and a member of the Convention ratifying the Constitution of the United States 1788. He died in 1794. Pollard Edmondson, Jr., likewise had a distinguished public career. He was an officer in the A*»erican Revolution and was one of the commissioners for the erection of a Court House at Easton to acccanmodate the General "Third Haven Records, 341. "Third Haven Records, 5, 355. " Third Haven Records, 2, 58.fr "Third Haven Records, 2, 102. "Third Haven Records, 2, 284. "Talbot Wills, 25, 135. ^'"Colonial Militia, 1740, 1748," AW. Hist. Mag., V (June, 1911), 193. R. H. Spencer, "Hon. Nicholas Thomas," iliid., 156 n, and Tilghman, op. cit., I, 179, 545. 5 232 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Cmirt of the Eastern Shore and the County of Talbot. His children married into the Thomas, Howard, Trippe, Teackle, and Bozman families; his grandchildren into Barroll, Lownes, Groome, and Plater families. At " Cedar Point " is a stone engraved to Char- lotte Matilda, daugher of Horatio Edmondson and wife of John Rousby Plater in her 72nd year. Her mother was Charlotte Leeds Thomas, daughter of William J. and Rachel Leeds Thomas. John Rousby Plater was the second son of George Plater of Sotterley, St. Mary's County, Governor of Maryland^ 1791-1792, and his wife Elizabeth Rousby of Rousby Hall, Calvert County. Governor Stevens of Maryland likewise is a descendant of John Edmondson through his second son, James. Branches of the Talbot family from James were settled for several generations on Taylor's Island and on Hooper's Island. Marriages of this branch of the family are with the LeCompte, Pagon, Airey, and Vickers families. Hmrietta Mark, ^ird ^agMer, was born 26th of 12th month 1671. She is not mentioned in her father's will and was probably dead by 1698, certainly so in 1709- Martha, fcmrth daughter, born 6th of 2nd month 1673, died on the 20th of the same month. "William, third son and seventh child, the founder of the family in Dorchester, was born in 1677. He married Sarah Sharp, 25th day of 12th month 1692 at William Sharp's in Talbot.'" Intention had been recorded November 6, 1692.°^ He and his wife died the same day, 7th month 1702 and arc buried in a single grave near Island Creek. His five children married into the Troth, Kennerly, Neal, and Lowe families. His grandson, Peter Edmondson, who married Sophia Neal, February 23, 1756, was a delegate to the Maryland Convention which ratified the Constitution o£ the United States. In 1702 Third Haven Meting was disturbed by the " outrunning betwixt William Edmondson and William Dixon " but after the meeting William Edmondson acknowledged that " he does not qualify himself and would never do the like again." Elizabeth, fifth daughter, married October 26, 1695, William Stevens, Jr. Their intentions had been laid before the meting February 5, 1695. There was one son, Edmondson Stevens, men- tioned in his grandfather's will. Elizabeth died before 1709. Third Haven Records, 5, 363. "Third Haven Records, 219, 221. JOHN EDMONDSON — LARGE MERCHANT 233 Thomas, fourth son, married August 7, 1699, Mary Grasson (sometimes Grasun, and again Grayson) the widow of Robert Grasson. He was Burgess from Talbot 1718-1719 and held town lots at Oxford. They left a family of sons and daughters who married into the Hopkins and Tibballs families. He died in 1719, the last surviving son and executor of his father. Samuel, terrth and youngest child, was born October 14, 1684. For some reason, so far undiscovered, he was baptised in St. Peter's Parish Church, March 29, 1703. He died in 1704. Of him no record appears other than a summons, April 5, 1708, served upcMi Thomas Edmondson, who had at that time filed an accounting on his brother's, Samuel's estate.'* Talbot Co. Test. Papers, Box l6, f. 52, Hall of Records, Annapolis. THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III ^•WtMftM B. Marye (Concluded from Vol. 50, No. 2, Jaoe, 1955, p: 142) THE QUALITY OF LANDS IN THE BARRENS A" tax list " for Harford Co., 1783 made out separately for each " hundred," gives us the benefit of more or less com- petent opinion as to the quality of lands within and adjacent to the Barrens, Lands are given one of three ratings: good, midling, and sorry. Broad Creek Hundred,*" virtually all of which lay within the Barrens, seems to have presented the appearance of an uninter- rupted stretch of poor land, probably, for the most part, a waste. It is not unlikely that in 1783 as much land remained in this hundred to be taken up as had already been surveyed. Of the surveyed lands the assessor rated 4548 acres as " sorry," 326 acres as " midling " (of which 150 acres were on or near the Susque- hanna), and none as "good." Deer Creek Upper Hundred, a considerable part of which was in the Barrens, had 8,6l4 acres rated " sorry," none " midling," and only 20 acres rated " good." A great deal of land situated between the Barrens and Susque- hanna River got the lowest rating. It must be remembered that this rating was probably meted out to rocky, steep, ncm-arable lands, as well as to arable hillsides and levels of thin soil and "barrens." Deer Creek Middle Hundred"* had 12,271 acres entered as " sorry," as against 410 acres " midling" and only 31 acres rated " good." The better sort of land all lay on Deer Creek. " Arabia Petrea," which was shared by the three hundreds last "° Scharf MSS, Md. Hist. Soc. Descriptions of the bounds of this hundred and of the others herein mentioned are not at hand. The uppermost boundary of this hundred on Deer Creek appears to have been in the neighborhood of Sandy Hook, since a part of " Spittlecraft " was included in it. " Freeland's Mount," which was divided between this hundred and Deer Creek Lower Hundred, lies on the north side of Deer Creek, a little over a mile below the mouth of Thomas's Run. THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III 235 mentiehed, hmA 4,943 acres rated " sotry." The W^cion that the lowest rating was too liberally dispensed is probably not justified. Lands situated along the Susquehanna, between Deer Creek and Peddler's Run, and extending back from the river a mile or less, got, for the most part, high ratings, as might have been expected."* The three Harford Co. hundreds which bordered on the state lifie"»?«e Mm^ 'CMek Upper, and Broad C^e»*. Eden Hun- dred lay in the northwestern corner of the county. Deer Creek Upper Hundred took in the upper part of Broad Creek and the valley of Falling Branch. The^e tee ftnd Bush River Upper Hundred, together, embraced all the area of the Barrens in Harford County. Bush River Upper Hundred comprised the valley of Stirrup Run, and stretched across the Fork of Winters Run to the Little Fails of Gunpowder River. In the 1783 tax-lists this hundred and Eden Hundred are lumped together. Within the bounds of these combined hundreds there were 21,449 acres ^ich were rated "sorry," 6,113 acres rated "midling," and only 668 acres rated good." From these records it appears that in 1783 by far the greater part of all the patented and leased lands situated in the northern sec- tion of Harford County had a low rating. Since it is reasonable to suppose that the number of acres within this area then remain- ing uncultivated (which must have included a very large amount of " vacant " land) was greatly in excess of the land under culti- vation, it follows that this rating was in large part based on the nature of the wild growth or vegetation which was to be found upon respective tracts. It seems most unlikely that any parcels of vacant " land would have got better than a " sorry " rating. We look in vain for traces of the Barrens on a Map of Harford County Showing Agrcultural Soils," published by the Maryland Geological Survey in 1905. All about the head of Little Deer Creek and thence to the Baltimore Co. line, about Shawsvilk, Black Horse, Madonna, Cathcart, and Jarrettsville, the soil is mostly described as " good " for general farm crops. Yet the whole of this fruitful area was cwice itidttded in ti>e Barrens. The map shows rocky land, such as that about the Rocks of Deer These river lands all lay within Deer Creek Lower Hundred. ''"Outside of those parts of "My Lady's Manor" (55 acres) and "Isles of Caprea " (330 acres) which were rated "good," only 33 aaes in these combined hundreds got that rating. 236 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE Creek, and naturally barren land here and there, as, for example, around Cherry Hill in the Mine Old Fields. A strip of poor land is shown, extending along the south side of Broad Creek, from its mouth upwards about 2 miles. One may judge of the poor quality of this strip by the woods growing thereon today. Soil maps of Baltimore County likewise show no traces of the Barrens. There is no continii0«8 teelt of poor land in Alise «mintries where the Barrens once spread. THE HUNTERS OF THE BARRENS By a treaty made July 5, l652, the Susquehannock Indians ceded to Maryland all territory they claimed which was situated between Patuxent River and Palmer's Island,"^ and from Choptank River to " the North East Branch -whkh lies to the Northward of Elk River." At that time settlements had already been made in Calvert and Anne Arundel Cos. Some ta^s #€re si^a^yed oft the north side of Patapsco River in l652, but it is not to be supposed that they were settled until several years later . A fort named " Fort Con- quest " had long stood on the northern end of Palmer's Island."^ On the Eastern Shore no lands were taken up before 1658, except on Kent Island. Settlements were begun that year in the tidal rivers of the Westefti Shore notfh df the Severn, and in those of the Eastern Shore, outside of the aforesaid island. It is the year of the spreading out of settlements so as to take in the whole of tidewater Maryland. All the back country between the lower Susquehanna and the Patuxent, bounded on the east by the heads of the tidal rivers, was, before 1652, the hunting ground of the Susquehannock In- dians. Undoubtedly, they continued to hunt there long after- wards, but eventually, after their power was broken, they were forced to share this preserve with other tribes. It is likely that by 1730 they had ceased to hunt in the Barrens and went hunting farther to the west to avoid contact with settlers. ^"^ Archives of Maryland, III, 217 ff. The North East River. This river is mentioned by its present name in " A Relation of a Voyage made by Mr. Cyprian Thorowgood to the Head of the Bay," 1634, a manuscript presented by the late Dr. Hugh Hvn^ofl Yovmg to the Enoch Pratt Free Library. Marye, " Early History of the Site of Havre de Grace," Mr. Hist. Mag., XIII (1918), 205, 206. "♦Marye, "The Old Indian Road," ibid., XV (1920), 377. THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III 237 In early historical times, beginning with Captain John Smith's exploration of Chesapeake Bay in 1608, the inner fastnesses of this great Susquehannock hunting preserve were probably ftot inhabited by sedentary Indians, living in towns, as Indians did in Southern Maryland. Furthermore, it is pretty well estab- lished that there were no Indian towns at that period in the tidal rivers of the Bay between the Pattixent and the Susquehanna. They were uninhabited; from the Patuxent northward " untill you come to the head of the Bay, there are no more Rivers that are inhabited; there dwell the SusquebiTOcks, upon a River that is not navigable for our Boates, by reascwi of Sholes and Rockes; but they pass it in Canoos." This statement is sufficiently borne in several ways. Had there been Indian towns in those rivers, they would certainly have been mentioned in the Archives of Maryland. They would prob- ably have been mentioned in the layiog mk of lands. They would have been mentioned in treaties. Their chief men would have sent in complaints. Their Indians would have got into trouble with white people. At the same time, evMences or Indian occupa- tion are probably just as abundant in this region as they are in that of the known Indian towns of historical times."' Were there at c«je time fedoitary Indians, not reiat^ to tfie Susquehannocks, living upon those rivers, who were driven out by that warlike people ? Hie hunting grounds of the Susqudiannocks, extending to tide- water, were probably a depopulated, uninhabited wilderness when alienated, in 1652. The Barrens lay within this preserve, and it is to the Susquehannocks that, for want of any other theory, we attribute the development of the Barrens. "'A Relation of Maryland {anonymous) , 1635, in Hanatives of Early Maryland (New York, 1910), p. 78. Cyprian Thoiowgood, the Indian trader, in his journal of a voyage to the head of Chesapeake Bay in the year 1634, mentions the Susque- hannocks as follows: ""This nation is a very valourous and stout people living in pallisadoed townes about 40 miles from this [Palmer's] Island, they are commonly 2 dales in going home in their cannowes, but can come downe in halfe a day, because of many falls which are in the river" [the Susquehanna]. No Indian towns in those parts are indicated on Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia (1612). The only conspicuous signs of former Indian occupation which are still to be seen upon the shores of tidal rivers, creeks, coves, and the Bay, itself, between Susquehanna River a»d Patujtent River, within the area once claimed by the Susquehannocks, are the shdl-heaps. They are all, perhaps, prehistoric, although, probably, not of any great antiquity, and it is a fair guess that they ate the work of people living on the Bay and its estuaries, rather than that of intruders from the north. 238 umxymD mmmsGM. magazine They suffered crushing defeat and humiliation in 1676, but were by no means wiped out/^^ However, their time for lording it over other tribes, or " nations," as we once called them, was ended. In the minutes of a debate between William Penn and Lord Baltimore's representalws Colonel George Taibott, over the temdary question^ «iii«h took place in 1684, cdW- to mind t-be &tct ■Aett every nation [of Indians] had its OKp wM, ^ifined hunting grounds. . . . That part of the Susquehannocks country that lies in Maryland, [he went on to say}, vizt between the 40th degree and the rivers Papapsco, Elk and Sassafras, was theirs; but they were conquered by the Marylanders and are now no nation. Their right to these lands now is vested in Lord Baltimore; vizt their right of hunting there and of barring all others. This territory was never hunted over by the Delaware Indians in the Susquehannoh's time ; and now they ought to be licensed or not permitted to hunt anywhere west of the Elk River no more than in the Susquehannoes time, their ancient right being to bunt eastward of the Elk River. Already by 1678 the Ddawares were laying claim to these hunt- ing grounds, namely, the upper parts of Baltimore Co.,"" and by 1697 they were accustomed to hunt there, as we read in the Proceedings of the Council : " The Susquehannahs Ddaisrares and Shevanoes [Shawnees] do take themselves and are inclinable to be under this province [Maryland} because of their hunting within tlie same betwixt Susquehanna and Potcmioke." Until 1699, or thereabouts, no settlements were made in the backwoods or " forest " of Baltimore Co., above the heads of the principal estuaries of the Chesapeake, except for a very few out- lying plantations and the cabins and truck patches of hunters. There, up to that time, Indians continued to go their way un- molested, and, perhaps, more often than not, unobserved, even to within a short distance of English plastfftions. On Octc^er 9, 1697, the Council considered the report of John Oldton, Captain of Rangers in Baltimore Co., in which we find among other matters, the following infoimati<»i: *"We hit¥e Ranged & and made discovery of all Good Lands back of our Road and found a Handbook of American Indians, II, 659 (Bulletin 30, Bureau of American Ethnology). Narratives of Early Maryland, pp. 440, 441. Archives of Maryland, XV, 175. "° Ibid., XIX, 520. TH€ GREAT MARYLANB B/aiREffS: III 239 great many Indian Cabbins and DrnM wiiMe M«iked Trees and sett up our names." The same year the Couneil, looking into the matter of some murders and depredations cMBMilted by Indians at the head of the Bay, considered the testkaoey of a certain Charles Hewitt, an elderly man, living as a lessee or a tenant on a plantatftSft fn the Fork of Gunpower River, a few miles above the head of tide- water, cut oflf from other settlements by uninhabited country. This man deposed that for the past four years he had been " seated " upon his plantation, which was situated " upon the head of Gun- powder about ffour miles without any inhabitants," and lying directly in the " walks " which Indians " usually take when they move to their hunting Quarters; the Indians usually passing that way to hunt being not above a dozen or ffourteen men besides women & children." The picture of these hunting parties is completed as follows: " Their Company's in moving Seldom above two or three with their ffamilies." " Their passing was peaceable modestly asking and paying for such Necessarys as they had occasion of." " Their time of moving to their hunting Quarters was in June from whence they return'd not till September & then in Companys as they went laden with their pelt." Hewitt further testified that, in contrast to this peaceful Otsning and going upon their occasions, Indians numbering between 50 and 60 men, all armed, painted and well supplied with rum, and Witticnjt theit wives And tfhitdren (a sign of warlike intent) had within the past three months called at his house, and had taken what they wanted, without paying for it. He testified that their demeanor in so doing Was ifisolent aitd fliteatening, and that they had used " Jestures and postures unaccustom'd." They alleged that they were on their way " to Potomock " to trade."' Who were tfiese Iiidians.*' Perhaps Susqu^afinocks; perhaps, Shawnees. One is tempted to identify them as Delawares. In 1697 a remnant of this tribe was living on White Clay Creek in "^Ihid., XXIII, 260, 261. See " The Old Indian Road," op. at., p. 122. The author presewts evidence that Hewitt lived on a tract of land called " Selby's Hope," situated at and about Kingsville, in the 11th District of Baltimore Co., some 4 miles, more or less, above the shore of Gunpowder River in the Fork. This stretch of shore, now encased in marsh and alluvial land, which lies between the mouth of the Little Falls and the (old) mouth of the Great Falls, was taken up and settled in the l660's. "'Archives of AUryland, XXIII, 188-191. 240 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZINE New Castle Co., Delaware. The objection to this theory is that they could muster only 40 men.^^* It is to the Delaware Indians' known habit of hunting in the former hunting preserve of the Susquehannocks that we attribute the name of Delaware Bottom, a piece of low ground on the South Branch of the Patapsco, below Sykesville. FiCftti Dd'amte Bottom were derived the names of Delaware Falls (the former name of the South Branch) , Delaware Hundred, and Delaware Bottom Branch."^ It is suggested that the Delawares may have set up their hunting quarters in Delaware Bottom. THE BARRENS AS A RANGE FOR STOCK It is a commonplace that in colonial Maryland it was the custom among the planters and fanners to kt their stock run wild in the woods, whether on their own land, on their neighbor's land, or upon vacant land. These wild, or semi-wild creatures (called " critters " by tlie uneducated) generally bore their owners' marks or brands, which were duly recorded. There was much stealing, and sometimes, when the dishonest one failed to take due pre- caution, the hide of the stolen axiimal was discovere'd and found to bear the owner's mark. All stock so running wild — horses, pigs, cattle — ^were subject to the assaults of beasts of prey, particu- larly panthers and wolves. In 1652 Robert Brooke brought suit against Cuthbert Fenwick for misappropriating " one Great large Bore, which defended the rest of the hogs from the wolves really worth three hundred weight of Tobacco." The neighborhood of a good, open rat^ge was considered a great • asset to a plantation. As time went cm, such rjuiges, .in parts well within the frontier, became more and more restricted in extent. If ivailable, they are mentioned in advertisements, as for example, a notice of the sale of 1000 acres (later " Perry Hall ") on the Great Falls of Gunpowder River, which was inserted in the Maryland Journal, June 4, 1774, by Archibald Buchanan, admini- strator of the estate of Corbin Lee, Esq., suitable for a gentle- man, miller or farmer." It is contiguous to an extensive range of 10 to 12 miles circuit of uncultivated land held by the [Notting- Ibid., p. 444. Marye, " The Baltimore County Garrison and the Old Garrison Roads," Md. Hist. Mag., XVI (1921), 253 n. Archives of Maryland, X, 243. THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III 241 ham] lion Works from whence any number of cattle may be raised." Several contemporary advertisements bear witness to the fact that lands which lay within easy distance of the Barrens, were considered to be the more valuable on that account. On September 23, 1746, a certain Archibald Douglas advertised in the Maryland Gazette the sale of 250 acres, part of " Scut's Level," situated in Baltimore Co., " about ten miles from the head of Patapsco [meaning, the head of tidewater, at Elk Ridge Landing] and the same distance from Baltimore Town," " con- venient for stock, there being an outlet to the Barrens of Patapsco." In the Maryland Gazette, November 8, 1749, J. Ross offered for sale a tract of land containing 4200 acres, called Nicholson's Manor, belonging to the heirs of William Nicholson. This manor is described as situated " in the forest of Baltimore County," " about 24 miles from Baltimore Town on Patapsco River " (the distance is over-estimated). It is further described as "well situated for riising Stock, there being a gttat Remge of Barrens hack of it." In the Maryland Gazette, December 6, 1749, Beale Bordley offered for sale two tracts of lind (not named) , described as lying upon the branches of Patuxent River, about four miles from Green's Mill in Anne Arundel Co."" According to the advertise- ment these lands had this advantage, among others, that they lay "' convenient to the Barrens, for raising Hogs, &c." As a range the Barrens appear to have been regarded as a fixture, not subject to change. In the M.e»'<^emd Gazette, March 23, 1769, these is the advertisement of John Campbell, offering " Scutt's Level," 500 acres, was surveyed for John Scutt, March 28, 1702. The certificate of survey calls for Carroll's or Scutt's Branch (now called Scutt's Level Branch) and for Dead Run (still so called); also for Gwins Falls. (Patent Records for Land, Liber D.D.No. 5, f. 60). This " outlet," as we have already observed, must have been by way of Soldiers Delight. The name of " Graziers Delight," 892 acres, surveyed for Robert Cross, on Soldiers Delight, October 8, 1774, implies that the barrens of soldiers Delight were a favorite range for stock. This ext«isive and 'well known tract of land occupies a large section of the valley of Western Run. Part of it lies east of the 'Vork Road at Western Run. Its northernmost limits lie somewhat south ably once formed occasional This land was " Campbell's Search," previously considered. " Cranberry Grove," a resurvey, laid out for John Whips, May 20, 1765, calls for a bounded red oak, " standing at the head of a Valley descending into a Marsh called the Cranberry fork which descends into Piney Falls." (Scharf Papers, Additional Rent Roll of the Western Shore, Baltimore Co.). Cranberry Fork, now called Cranberry Run, meets the West Fork of the North Branch of the Patapsco about one mile northeast of Westimitister. For mention of " The Pines of Deer Creek " see Unpatented Certificates, Baltimore Co., Nos. 93, 10®, 311, IQ^; also, " Deniston," for John Guyton, Jan. 1, 1761. For mention (X TTie PfheS of Broad Creek, see Unpatented Certificates, Baltimore Co., Nos. 230, 825, 1257; also " Reeses Range," for William Rees, March 31, 1748; " Deaver's Project," for Richard Deaver, March 17, 1741. All of these lands were situated in Baltimore (now Harford) Co., in the Reserve. The Pines of Broad Creek stood at or near where the creek passes through Slate Ridge. ^" Scrub pines, .i sign of poor land, naturally come to mind. What looks like the remains of a natural stand of white pines may be seen today on the heights on the northern side 'of Cwejc at the -Bocks. Biteh pines md short Jeaved pines grow sparingly ia the woods on the southern side of the valley of Broad Creek near the Susquehanna. On Broad Creek, south side, betv.'een Iron Bridge and Boy Scout Camp ; on Deer Creek, at what was formerly Wilson's Mill, opposite the residence of Mr. Frank Stokes. (Letter, Mason to author, October 31, 1952). Hemlocks are at home at Castle Fine, about 2 miles above the mouth of Muddy Creek, in York Co. (Mason letter), and a short distance up the valley of Fishing Creek, Lancaster Co., about 5 miles north of the state line (my personal observation). THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: IVL 243 groves in the Barrens. At that time hemlocks appear to Imm gdste by the name of " yew trees " in Maryland/" " The y«ir trees " were once a landmark on Deer Creek/** One of the outstanding sights of the Barrens must have been great flocks of birds, such as crows, blackbirds and wild pigeons, winging their way across the waste. The classical description of the flight of wild pigeons was written by Colonel WililSli %rd, of Westover: " The Flocks of these Birds of Passage are so amazingly great, Sometimes, that they darken the Sky,; nor is it ttmoMHaon l<» thou to in swch >l tt i8 i > fc »-'0n ttie Larger Limbs of Mulberry-Trees and Oaks as to break them down." Wild pigeons ate acorns and berries. They are said to have been particularly fond of sassafras be rr tes. fo judge by local place-names, there were several localities in the Barrens to which they resorted at certain times of the year in order to feast. One of these was the arra variously fcftowfl as the Kgeoti Ground, Pigeon Hill, and the Pigeon Ground Glade, at the head of a valley descending northwards towards Broad Creek, at Mill Green, in Harford Co."" Another place in the ®«ff@iss, which, apparently, "■"The Oxford English Dictionary cites a letter, written in 1776, in which mention is made of a " species of cedar here called hemlock " which grew on certain rocky islands in Lake George, N. Y. This appears to be a case of what classical scholars call a iiapax legomenon. No earlier use of the word for abies canadensis is cited. It seems probable that this application of the word hemlock came down to Maryland from the north, and arrived here late. " Baker's Delight," surveyed for John Baker, April 23, 1714, is described as situated in Baltimore Co., " beginning at a bounded red o.ik standing on the south side of Potapscoe Main river respecting to the eastward a great heap of rocks and eu/ trees on the north side of the sd. falls," (Patent Records for Land, Liber E. E. No. 5, f. 310). Benjamin Buckingham deeded this land to James Hood, July 29, 1758, (Baltimore Co. Land Records, Liber B. No. G., f. 209). This deed calls for the south side of the main falls of Patapsco, " respecting to the eastward a great heap of rocks and yew trees." This land lies at what was formerly called Air's Ford, on the Main Falls of the Patapsco, at Hood's Mill, later Ellicott's Upper Mill, on the Old Frederick Road. The State Department of Forests and Parks knows of no stand eif h^ajed^ growing today in tMs vicinity, but re^^ts that mA t stand wte ctit down to build the new Liberty Reservoir Dam (sfL the' Jloifh Branch of the Falls, (Letter, Karl E. Pfeifler to author, December 17, 1953). On August 10, 1752, there was sur\'eyed for Enoch Ridon, of Baltimore Co., a tract of land called " Rigdon's Reserve," 155 acres, which is described as situated " on the north side of Deer Creek ... a little above the Yetv trees." (Unpatented Certificate 1384, Baltimore Co.). Trace of this land is lost to the author, and its situation is unknown. On April 10, 1749, there was surveyed for John Miles a tract of land, containing 20 acres, situated " in the Reserve, on the Yew Tree Ridge." (Land Office, Vi&na^tes Leases, Liber B., f. 147). "•"William Byrd, ob. cit., p. 216. In will of James Briee, Bsltimeee Ce„ Aj»il 21, 1765, te^Btor leaves to his son, Thomas, a small tttrct of fe*Wve l«ad cdled' ye Pidgeon Hfil. (WSI Boc* 3, f , J, Baltimore Co.) . Many other references are in the hands of the author. 244 MARYLAND HISTCmiCAL MAGAZINE &wed its name to the fact that it was the resort of wild pigeons, was the Pigeon Woods, which was situated east of the road between Shawsville and Maryland Line, probably much nearer the latter, at the head of a branch of Deer Creek.^^^ These poetical place-names are not to be found on modern maps, and it is likely that they are lost to memory. As to the fauna of the Barrens, there is no reason to believe that it differed from that of other parts of the piedmont region of Maryland, unless the buffalo roamed there before the advance of settlements frightaied liim mmf. A animal, preseat, if at all, in small numbers, he might have vanished from every part of the Barrens by about 1730. What with hunters and prospectors i»m!itig Ms d«Mnain, sucvtfcm ow ItMs, and overseers of highways opening up roads, he waeAd have departed, whither, no man knows. Never a denizm of the forest, the buffalo was found, as late as 1774, in ffee GWes of Ac Youghougheny, in what is now Garrett Co.^^^ Did he ever range farther to the east in this province? In his Journal (1632) Henry Fleete, the Indian trader, writing as his ship lay at anchor near tfie head of tidewater in Potomac River, notes the fact that buffaloes, among other wild beasts, frequented the woods thereabouts.'^^ The anonymous author of A Relation of Maryland (1635) mentions baffaloes among the wild creatures which lived " in great store " in " the upper parts of the Giuntrey." This could hardly mean in places roMote to the westward, since fee other creatures fterein mentioned, the dk, the " lion " (panther), the bear, the wall, mtA the deer, occurred everywhere in the province. The Barrens were ^'^ " Agreement in Love," surveyed for WiHiflfli Wiley, August 29, 1766, is described as situated " on the South side of the head of a durft of Deer Cteek: above the P^ton Woods." (William Smith's Survey Book, Sfwliia Papers, 1765, Ci^ Hall Library, Baltimore.) In recent times, among the places where wild pigeons congregated in the Fall, were The Soldiers Delight (q. v.) and the Horse Ponds, both in Baltimore Co. The Horse Ponds were some shallow depressions in the ground where water collected in winter, situated between the Great Falls of Gunpowder River and the road going from Quinlin's Comer, on the Belair Road, to the Harford Road, in Hayes's Woods, once a part of the Perry Hali estate. This resort of wild pigeons was famous in its day. See also " Forked Meadow " aad " Aadeesoa's IntMiofi " (Unpat. C^t. 543 aad 106, Balto. Co.) re pigeon woods. See Romeo Mansueti, " Extinct and Vanishing Mammals of Maryland and District of Cohiosbia," The Maryland Naturalist, I-II, 9. i«j •. "j-jjg jouinal of Henry Fleete," in Neill's Founders of Maryland, p. 27. Narratives of Early Maryland, op. cit., p. 80. THE GREAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III 245 the sort of country, open, but in no sense arid, where the buffalo would have been at home. There, in the grassy glades and natural meadows along the streams we should almost have expected to find him. He used about marshy places and loved " canes and reeds." But if he was ever there in the Barrens, not merely as a "" stray," but as a regular visitor, if not as a native, positive proof of the fact has not been found. All that we have go cm is k possible indication, in the shape of the name of a watercourse, taken in conjunction with the presence in its neighborhood of certain curious, shallow depressions in ffm^^, Wiicfa used to be pointed out by the older inhabitants, of a generation now deceased, as buffalo wallows." A place or stream-name is very far fi-cffls proof of the former preseiice ot m animal at that place to which it is applied, if the possibility of its presence is seriously disputed."*" Natives of the valley of Buffalo Branch and its vicinity may well have inferred frcm ite itaffire that these depres- sions were buffalo wallows, when no other explanation suggested itself. These objections are well taken; but, on the other hand, that they were buffalo wallows may be a fact which was never lost to tradition. Buffalo Branch rises near Yeoho, in the Fiftli District of Balti- more Co., within the former area of the Barrens, and joins Piney Run (not to be confused with the Piney Run of Western Run) in the Eighth District, about a mile above Priceville. Piney Run empties into the Great Falls of Gunpowder River at Sparks. The full name of Buffalo Branch seems to have been The Miry Buffalo.'^" The name of the Buffalo Branch proves to be one of relatively early date, being first recorded about the time of the settlement of that part of Baltimore Co. in which this stream is situated. It occurs in an order of Baltimore Co. Court respecting roads, issued in August, 1728,"^ and again, in an order of court ""Col. William Byrd, op. cil., p. 160. t have in mind the name of Buffalo Creek in Dorchester Co., Md. (Mansueti, op. cit., p. 9.) A Delaware place-name, namely, that of Dragon Swamp, in New Castle Co., a name of considerable antiquity, is very puzzling. Alligators used to be called " dragons "; but no one will believe that alligators once inhabited this swamp. That the swamp was named for dragon-flies may be possible, but is hardly likely. Country people call them " snake feeders " or " snake doctors." ^"^ " Proverty Parts Good Company," surveyed for Thomas Broad in 1760, is described as situated at " the head of a branch called the Miry Buffelo of Piney Run that descends into the falls of Gunpowder." Unpatented Certificate No. 1298, Baltimore Co.) Baltimore Co. Court Proceedings, Liber 1. S. No. 6, 1728-1730, August Court, 1728, Hall of Records, Annapolis. 246 MARYLAND HISTORICAL MAGAZENE issued to overseers of roads, in November, 1733.*°° The earliest survey in which we find die name of Buffalo Branch is that called " Absalom's Chance," laid out for William Barney, May 17, 1732, and described as lying in Baltimore Co., " beginning at two bounded white oaks standing in the fork of the Buffelow branch which descends into the Piney Run of Gunpowder Falls." A tmet of land called Buffeloe " was surveyed for William Ander- son, April 26, 1731,*" " Buffaloe " lies on the south side of the Cold Bottom Road, not more than II4 miles northwest of Price- ville, wittet % mile of the mouth of Buffalo Branch, on bcth sMes of that stream."- Worthy of mention is a piece of leased land, situated on Buffalo Branch, bearing the curious and suggestive name of " Fat Buffelow," which was laid out for John Lemmon, June 10, 1761."' The land called " Buffeloe " lies in the vincinity of (if it does not incWe a part of) a group of *" Iwftsk) -wwHows," 'wiikh used to be pointed out and so designated by the old people of this neighborhood — shallow depressions in the ground, not otherwise easily explained. Dr. Arthur G. Tracey, of Hampstead, Carroll Co., Md., an experienced antiquary, and, what is equally im- portant, a man well acquainted with farming and with country life in general, first observed these " wltows " soitte years ago. """Baltimore Co. Court Pror-iedings, November Court, 1733, Hall of Records, Annapolis. Patented Certificate No. 18, Baltimore Co. Patent Records for Land, Liber A. M. No. 1, f . 124. The situation of " Buffeloe " has been carefully worked out by the author, who believes that the chitnces of etror mx slight. This land k entirely surrounded by later surveys, namely, " Cold Bottem " and " Holland's Coftimission." The former, 590 acres of vacant land, was surveyed for John Ensor, son of Abraham, April 1, 1787, and is described as situated in the Reserve, " Beginning at a bounded Pine tree standing on the east side of the Piney Run near a Bottom called Cold Bottom." (Patented Certificate No. 1132, Baltimore Co.) The beginning of " Cold Bottom " is situated about 1-% miles southeast of the beginning of " Buffeloe." The place called Cold Bottom lies on Piney Run above Priceville. It gave its name to the Cold Bottom Road. " Holland's Commission," surveyed for John Francis Holland, March 27, 1787, begins at the beginning of " Buffeloe," and has a boundary on Buffalo Branch." It is a resurvey on two early tracts of land, " Atheliah's Lott " and " Broad's Desire," both surveyed for Thomas Broad. (Patented Certificate No. 2347, Baltimore Co.) Proprietary Leases, Liber B, f. 23. The late date of this survey would seem to indicate that the name is fanciful and does not relate to an incident, since it is almost incredible that the buffalo, if ever he did frequent those parts, lingered on in this valley until 1761, although a considerable amount of land lying thereabouts remained vacant.' There is a definite possibility, however, that the name bestowed upon this survey was a place-name which dated from the time of the first settlement of that part of the county, or not much later. THE CaUEAT MARYLAND BARRENS: III 247 Their outlines, he says, have since been blurred by cultivation. He has seen the " buffalo wallows " of the West. Is this a case of an apocryphal Sttrftration Oft the part of the natives, or one of a genuine tradition ? This author believes the chance that it is the latter is too important to warrant the omission of the subject. We harfr it from Dr. Tracey that the largest of these " btttfalo wallows " is situated on what was formerly the Bull farm, near the head of Buflfalo Branch, on the road between Yeoho and Cedar Grove. When Dr. Tracey first saw it, it measured about 75 feet across, and had an extreme depth of, perhaps, 8 feet. Smaller, but otherwise similar shallow depressions, locally identified as "' buffalo wallows," were situated lower down the valley of Buffalo Branch, and might be seen by persons driving along the Cold Bottom Road. It is quite possible that the Barrens were the last stand of the panther and the wolf in Mmflmmi. east ®£ te Monocacy River. Panthers (also called " painters " and " lions ") inhabited all parts of Maryland,"* but were probably never very common any- where.-** They liv«d in the back country, and, after the f c«inding and spreading of the colony, were probably seldom seen in the necks. Persecuted as they were, from the beginning, by the planters, they must have taken refuge in deep swamps, rocky fast- nesses and barrens. The wolf was common everywhere in Mary- land until persecution reduced his numbers, and finally exter- minated him. There is a record of the killing of a panther on the branch of a creek of the north side of Severn River some time before October 15, 1675."* In or near the Barrens sei^M Yearns and tracts o£ "* The former existence of the panther on the " Delmarva " Peninsula is credibly based on inference. He must have been there. Very suggestive is the name of a tract of land laid out for Archibald Smith, in Somerset Co., May 12, 1707, and called " Painter's Den." The land is described as lying " on the north east side of a savanah," a likely place for a panther's lair. (Rent Holl, Somerset Co., Md., f. 248, Calvert Papers No. 885.) A more direct piece of evidence is the following. In examining the papers of the Parker family of Northampton Co., Va., the author came across reference to the killing of a panther in that county. The Maryland Assembly commonly offered rewards for the destruction of wolves, bears, squirrels, and crows, but never to my knowledge a bounty on panthers. In wiH of Wm. Croudis of Aane Aruadel {&e Sev«ta) Riwr, dated October 15, 1675, there Occurs flie following item: " I give and bequeath unto my daughter Sarah Jones the wife of Thomas Jones, and her heirs forever a parcell of land called Crouches Calve Pasture together with apaurtenances thereunto belonging containing by estimation thirty acres, but not to follow the line to the southward over the branch where James Smith and John Howard kill'd the lyon." (Hall of Records, Wills, Liber 5, f. 163). "Crouches Calve Pasture" lies on a creek formerly called Crouches Creek, a branch of the north side of Severn River. 6 248 MARYLAND H1W0«KAL MA6AZIME land bear old names which imply the former presence of the panther in those parts. Modern maps show Panther Branch descending from Hereford into the south side of the Western Prong of Great Gunpowder Falls. This name lays claim to some local antiquity.'"' Another Panther Branch empties into the Northern Prong of the Great Gunpowder Falls, on its eastern side, a short distance below Walker. " Panther Hill " and " Panther Spring " were laid out on this stream.""* Similar names of surveys situated within or very near the Barrens are: " The Sign of the Panther,"" " Painters Hills,'" " Painters Level," and " Panthers Lodge." All of these last date from locally very early times. 167 TjjThitehead's Desire," laid out for Robert Whitehead Dec. 3, 1742, is described as lying in Baltimore Co., "on the South side of the Main Falls of Gunpowder River being part of the lands reserved for his Lordship's use, beginning at a bounded -white oak on the south side of the Panter Branch." (Field Book, Col. Thomas White, Harford Co. Hist. Sec. MSS). A tract Imtd laid oat for Whitehead, 1743, nes'^sa both sides er!Ke"Western fork ^ttie Giffeit Fa*S M Gunpowder River, in his Lordship's reserve ... at the mouth of a branch called Painter Branch." (Ibid.) On Aug. 30, 1774, commissioners appointed to evaluate the land of Aquila Price in Baltimore Co., then in the tenure of Mordecai Price, for Leah, the daughter of the deceased Aquila, found it to contain 200 acres, of which 125 were cleared, and authorized the clearing of 2 acres more to make a meadow "on a branch called The Painter Branch." (Baltimore Co. Land Records, Liber A. L. No. L,, 1774-1775, f. 37). I believe these records all refer to one and the same stream, called the Fuctther Branch, which rises near Hereford. '** The name of this Paaffia Branch does not appear on any map, so ft* m 9us author knows ; but the author was informed by the late John Mays Little tlM* this stream still (1916) went by the name of Panther Branch, the name by whicJh it was known in old times. Panther Hill," surveyed for James Calder, Oct. 6, 1790, lies in the Reserve. The survey cads for Panther Branch, Raccoon Branch, for " Castle Cafder " and for "Upper Woody Hill." (Patented Certificate No. 3681, Baltimore Co.). " Panther Spring," surveyed for James Calder, June 6, 1792, calls for Panther Branch, and "Upper Woody Hill." (Survey Book of Baltimore Co., 1771, Peabody Library, ]3altimore). Panther Branch is mentioned in the survey of " Littleworth," as returned by James Calder in 1782 (Ibid.). "Upper Woody Hill," surveyed for James Calder, June 18, 1784, is bounded by the Imi e£ I!>«i4iel Curfman (Curfamstadt). The tmv^. cakh ior Saiithcr: Bcinch, Racc^dn ^ aumag aad rtocmB. Modem vans and trucks, together with experienced personnel, insure the competent handling of all ordm. Monumental's plant has kept pace with the times . . . A large, daylight plant is devoted exclusively to rug cleaning and storage, with departments for repairing and dyeing. A reinforced concrete, sprinkler-protected warehouse contains vaults for household effects . . . storage aod burglar-proof vaults for art objects and silver. Rely on the experience and integrity of 73 years onumental STORAGE AND CARPET CLEANING COMPANY i"0 P^^RI^ >^VE' • SARATOGA 3480 iiovili» » iT0Jt»gl • itije ctfAwiwe BOOKS ABOUT MARYLAND Published by the Maryland Historical Society rmklkhed in 1955— THE DULANYS OF MARYLAND By Aubrey C. Land, Asso. Prof, of History at Vanderbilt University. Detailed study of Daniel Dulany, founder of the American family, and his ^dost son and namesake, both leaders in law and politics. 400 pages. $6.00 postpaid. Maryland residents add sales tax 2 per cent. Baltimore history in lighter vein — BALTIMORE AS SEEN BY VISITORS, 1783-1860. By Kaphael Semmes. Illustrated. $4.25 postpaid plus sales tax. Other Books published by the Maryland Historiaal 8ea|t^ ^Wj^snd sales tax to be added) History of the 110th Fidd Artillery, by OoL P. Ooc^, ix. Illustrated. ^-60 BSs Lordship's Patronage: Offices of Ftofit M 03M#t liH^iiaM, by Donnell M. Owings. 6.16 Maryland in World War 11 : Vol. 1, Military, by H. R. Msnakee. 8.2S Maryland in World War II: Vol. II, Industry and Agriculture, by H. R. Manakee. 8.25 History of Queen Anne's County, by Frederic Emory. 7.75 STATEMENT OF THE OWNERSHIP, MANAGEMENT, CIRCULATION, ETC., REQUIRED BY THE ACTS OF CONGRESS AUGUST 24, 1912, AND MARCH 3, 193S, Of Maryland Historical Magazine, ptiblished quarterly at Baltimore I, Maryland, for October, 1955. State of Maryland, City of Baltimore, ss. Before me, a Notary Public, in and tor the State and county aforesaid, personally appeared Francis C. Haber, who, having been duly sworn according to law, deposes and says that he is the Editor of the Maryland Historical Magazine, and that the following is, to the best of his knowledge and belief, a true statement of the ownership, management (and if a daily paper, the circulation), etc., of the aforesaid publication for the date shown in the above caption, required by the Act of August 24, 1912, as amended by the Act of March S, 1933, embodied in section 537, Postal Laws and Regulations, printed on the reverse of this form, to wit: 1. That the names and addresses of the publisher, edStor, managing editor, and business manager are: FubMer, Maifbmd ^steric^ SAdety, 291 tr. ItfemMMM St„ BaU||M>e I, Md. EdftaC, Francis C. Haber, same. Managing Editor, same. Bhstness Manager, James W. Faster, same 2. That the owner is: (If owned by a corporation, its name and address must be stated and also immediately thereunder the names and addresses of stockholders owning or holding one per cent or more of total amount of stock. If not owned by a corporation, the names and addresses of the individual ownecs mm/t b« ||van. If owned by a Anpi, ^ememUt^ «^cr unincorporated concern, its name atntt a^^, is wmi as those of each Wmmmt, iwst be given.) Maryland Historical Society, 201 West Monument Street, Baltimore 1 (non-profit cultural, educational and historical institution) Geoiire L. Raddiffe, President. S. That the known bondholders, mortgagees, and other security holders owning or holding 1 per cent or more of total amount of bonds, mortgages, or other securities are: (If there are none, so state.) None. 4. That the two paragraphs next above, giving the names of the owners, stockholders, and security holders, if any, contain not only the list of stockholders and security holders as they appear upon the books of the company but also, in cases where the stockholder or security holder appears upon the books of the company as trustee or in any other fiduciary relation, the name of the person or corporation for whom such trustee is acting, is given; also that the said two paragraphs contain statements embracing affiant's full knowledge and belief as to the circum- stances and conditions under which stockholders and security stockholders who do not appear upon the books of the company as trustees, held stock and securities in a capacity other than that of a bona fide owner; and this affiant has no reason to believe that any other person, association, or corporation has any interest direct or indirect in the said stock, bends, or ^ther securities than as so stated by him. FKANcis C. Haber, Editcyr. Sworn to and subscribed before me this 29th day of November, 1955. Harold B. Rees, Notary Public. (My commission expires May 4, 1957.) [Seal]